Harold Meyerson

Harold Meyerson is the executive editor of The American ProspectHis email is hmeyerson@prospect.org.

Recent Articles

The California Jungle

AP Photo/Mark J. Terrill Kevin de Leon, California state Senate president pro tem and Democratic candidate for the U.S. Senate, speaks during an election party in Los Angeles C ONGRESS: At second glance, the numbers we have now from Tuesday’s primaries in California may look discouraging to Democrats. (At first glance, Democrats breathed a sigh of relief since they didn’t split their votes so badly in the swing congressional districts that they ran out of the money. In every one of those top-two races, a Democrat made it into the November runoff against a Republican.) But at second glance, in six of the seven House districts represented by Republicans that Hillary Clinton carried in 2016, the total vote for the Republican candidates exceeded that for the Democrats. (The only race in which the aggregate Democratic vote exceeded the Republicans’ came in the 49th District, which Republican Darrell Issa barely carried in 2016 and where he prudently chose not to stand for re-election this...

The Legacy of Paul Schrade

AP Photo Paul Schrade, hit by one of the bullets fired by Senator Robert Kennedy's assailant, at a press conference in his room at Kaiser Hospital in Los Angeles June 10, 1968 T oday’s New York Times has a story on the 50th anniversary of Robert Kennedy’s murder, featuring interviews with Kennedy staffers and supporters. But the piece misidentifies Paul Schrade, who was also critically wounded when Kennedy was shot, as “a campaign aide” (in the caption) and doesn’t quite get it right in calling him “a labor organizer who worked on the campaign” in the text of the article. It’s important to get Paul Schrade’s actual identity right, though—because he was a key figure in California and union history during the pivotal decade of the ‘60s. As a young man, Paul had worked as an assistant to United Auto Workers (UAW) President Walter Reuther, who headed what today has to be viewed as by far the most important progressive union in American history. In the 1950s, Paul headed a UAW local at...

The Last New Frontiersman

(John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum)
Richard Goodwin R ichard Goodwin, who may have been the last surviving New Frontiersman, and who was actually a good deal better than that, died Sunday at 86. As a young man, Goodwin checked every meritocratic box there was to check, including valedictorian at Harvard Law, clerk to Felix Frankfurter, and congressional investigator who helped expose the rigged TV game shows of the 1950s. In 1960, he joined Ted Sorensen to write John Kennedy’s campaign speeches, and then shaped U.S. policy toward Latin America in Kennedy’s administration. With Goodwin’s death, virtually every significant figure who worked with Kennedy is now gone. But Goodwin didn’t go—didn’t leave the administration—when Kennedy was killed. Lyndon Johnson asked him to join Bill Moyers to write his speeches, and Goodwin did, in the process authoring what is clearly the greatest single presidential speech of the second half of the 20th century. In the spring of 1965, as Martin Luther King Jr. led demonstrations in Selma...

Why the Cause of Full Employment Is Back from the Dead

AP Photo/Manuel Balce Ceneta Senators Bernie Sanders and Kirsten Gillibrand speak to reporters during a news conference in Washington V ermont Senator Bernie Sanders is introducing a government-guaranteed full employment bill this week. New York Senator Kirsten Gillibrand issued a tweet in support of the concept earlier this month. New Jersey Senator Cory Booker has proposed setting up pilot full employment programs in 15 urban and rural areas with persistently high levels of unemployment. In other words, full employment—once a staple of Democrats’ rhetoric and on occasion an element of Democrats’ substance—has returned to their lexicon and their policy proposals. Government-sponsored employment programs are nothing new; indeed, they were a centerpiece of the New Deal’s efforts to reduce the catastrophic unemployment of the 1930s. These weren’t full employment programs, to be sure; they were improvised emergency programs to fend off the dislocations and, indeed, the threat of...

The Vapid Defense of Share Buybacks

AP Photo/Richard Drew, File
AP Photo/Richard Drew, File The logo for 3M appears on a screen above the trading floor of the New York Stock Exchange T his past Sunday , with the share buybacks of American corporations at an all-time high, The Washington Post business section ran a major piece documenting buybacks’ rise and giving the arguments for and against the practice. And the arguments for, I’m compelled to say, look mighty flimsy. Those arguments have never been more important, since the Republican tax cut supercharged the irresistible force (greed) that compels CEOs to authorize buybacks—as their pay is commonly linked to the share values that buybacks inflate. And “supercharged” may be understating it: “In February alone,” the Post reported, “U.S. corporations announced a record $150.7 billion in buybacks.” The problem with buybacks—the problem their defenders are obliged to address—is that they simply funnel corporate profits into shareholders' pockets rather than into investment. The defenders’ argument...

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