Harold Meyerson

Harold Meyerson is executive editor of The American Prospect. His email is hmeyerson@prospect.org.

Recent Articles

How to Compel Big Employers to Be Better Employers

Dennis Fujimoto/The Garden Island via AP A Walmart store in Lihue, Hawaii N ick Hanauer, who may be the nation’s only venture capitalist who fully understands just how much havoc American capitalism since the 1970s has wreaked with all but our wealthiest citizens, and who’s put forth some of the most far-sighted remedies to spread the wealth Americans create to the hundred-plus millions who actually create it, is at it again. Yesterday, our friends at Democracy posted a new article by Hanauer that proposes a range of policies that would hold large employers to higher labor standards than the higher universal labor standards that Hanauer has proposed in previous articles in both Democracy and the Prospect. In earlier articles he wrote with labor leader David Rolf, Hanauer called for establishing a “shared security system” under which employers would be required to provide workers with portable, pro-rated and universal benefits, whether those workers were direct employees, sub-...

Unions, Millennials, and Their Ostensibly Liberal Elders

Dmitrii Sakharov/Shutterstock The Library at Columbia University Y oung people like and want unions. Both the Gallup and the Pew polls released this summer show public support for unions at its highest levels in many years, and in both polls, it’s the young who give unions their highest approval ratings. In Pew, 68 percent of Americans aged 18 to 29 had a favorable view of unions; in Gallup, 65 percent of Americans aged 18 to 34 approved of them. But given the risks of being fired that most young workers (like all workers) face if they attempt to unionize (and given the failure of the much-weakened National Labor Relations Act to protect them), few young workers have a realistic opportunity to form or join unions. The exceptions to this rule are increasingly found in newsrooms and on university campuses, where highly skilled workers are not easy to replace. Journalists and graduate student teaching and research assistants have been unionizing in droves over the past couple of years...

The Myth of the Benevolent Postwar Corporation

AP Photo, FILE Workers at the end of the assembly line at General Motors plant in Euclid, Ohio, put finishing touches at the cabs of Fisher Body Metal Station Wagons in 1950. M uch as the presidency of Donald Trump has contributed to the retrospective appreciations of George H.W. Bush, so the conduct of American corporations over the past four decades—not to put too fine a point on it: pocketing revenues for their shareholders while stiffing, if not altogether abandoning, their workers—has cast a rosy glow over the American corporations of the post-World War II era. One commentator bathed in that glow, based on the evidence of his column Monday in The New York Times is David Leonhardt. His column quite rightly bangs the drum for Elizabeth Warren’s bill to require corporations to set aside 40 percent of their board seats for representatives selected by their workers—a slightly watered-down version of German co-determination, but a significant step forward, if ever enacted, in the...

Want a Democrat in the White House? Reform the Primaries

AP Photo/Andrew Harnik Elizabeth Warren greets supporters after speaking at American University in Washington, D.C. This article originally appeared at The Los Angeles Times. Subscribe here . T he Democrats are flying high right now, but they’re headed for a crash. Fifteen or 20 or, good God, maybe even 30 of them are lining up to run for president two years hence, and the party—and the American electoral process more generally—has no good way to select a nominee when so many aspirants split the vote. In a field of 10 or 12 candidates, it doesn’t take much to come out on top. The winner of the first contests, before the field has been winnowed, will be anointed as the frontrunner, with all the electoral advantages that conveys, even though in a field that crowded, he or she may have won only 15 percent of the vote. Say, for instance, former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who can easily spend billions on his campaign, takes the early contests with that 15 percent, while Bernie...

Why Would Progressives Back a Right-Wing Challenge to Nancy Pelosi?

AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi arrives to face reporters at a news conference at the Capitol. L ook at a list of the Democratic House members who’ve said they’re not going to vote for Nancy Pelosi as House Speaker, and you’ll find a group of Democrats who either represent districts they’ve barely won, or Democrats who want to shift the party in a rightward direction. Some, like Michigan’s Elissa Slotkin and Virginia’s Abigail Spanberger, are newcomers who narrowly defeated Republican incumbents in districts where right-wing media’s two decades of Pelosi demonization had taken a toll. Some are current members who’ve opposed Pelosi for being too liberal on social issues, like Ohio’s Tim Ryan, and Stephen Lynch and Seth Moulton of Massachusetts. Moulton’s PAC, which donated funds to a number of centrist Democrats this fall, was able to raise its funds “thanks to a network of donors rooted in the financial centers of Boston and New York,” according to a...

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