Robert Kuttner

Robert Kuttner is co-founder and co-editor of The American Prospect, and professor at Brandeis University's Heller School. His latest book is Can Democracy Survive Global Capitalism? In addition to writing for the Prospect, he writes for HuffPost, The Boston Globe, and The New York Review of Books. 

Follow Bob at his site, robertkuttner.com, and on Twitter. 

Recent Articles

Comment: Party Poopers

Not long ago, the Democrats were taking comfort from their five-seat gain in the Senate and their 50-50 tie. But the Senate, it's now clear, is far from truly tied. On the John Ashcroft confirmation vote, Republicans held all their troops and eight Democrats defected, four of them northern liberals. On the outrageous vote to scrap new safety standards on ergonomics, six Senate Democrats crossed the aisle. In the House, 16 Democrats joined 207 Republicans. If the Democrats had voted as a bloc, they might have held the line. These defecting Democrats are a series of concentric circles. At the center are two southern nominal Democrats who might as well be Republicans, John Breaux of Louisiana and Zell Miller of Georgia. Radiating out are Democrats from fairly conservative states who face tight re-elections (Max Baucus of Montana, Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas, Mary Landrieu of Louisiana), or Democrats not in re-election trouble but with close ties to business (Fritz Hollings of South...

Can Insiders Be Outsiders?

Imagine that you're Senator Tom Daschle. You have two somewhat conflicting goals. One is to block the worst parts of the Bush program, this year. The other is to move down the hall to the big office, the one that says Majority Leader instead of Minority Leader, probably in November 2002. You could get lucky, so to speak. Either of the doddering ultras from the Carolinas, Thurmond or Helms, could tip partisan control of the 50–50 Senate by passing on to their respective rewards before the midterm elections (maybe to some integrated private hell where they will be eternal servants to black, lesbian millionaire performance artists). But I digress. Tom Daschle can't exactly count on the demise of Thurmond or Helms, and it is unseemly to wish for it. Strom Thurmond is not entirely compos mentis, but at 98 the fellow does push-ups. And if sheer meanness keeps a man alive, Jesse Helms could outlast half the Senate. So if Daschle does become majority leader, he will probably have to do...

Comment: Lose that Eyeshade

Senate Democratic leaders, stung by criticism that they have failed to challenge the Bush administration's assault on civil liberties, are taking comfort from their goal-line stand against the latest round of proposed tax cuts. Yet as we approach the 2002 off-year elections, the Democrats could easily repeat the mistakes of the Clinton era by trying to make fiscal rectitude their mantra. The other day, White House budget director Mitch Daniels told Congress that he expected the budget to be in deficit for the next three years. That admission ought to whet Democrats' appetite for repealing Bush's $1.35-trillion tax cut. However, far too many Democrats are reverting to an old, discredited playbook. In 1998, Bill Clinton worried that endless surpluses would lead to Republican tax cuts. So he declared that fiscal policy should "Save Social Security First." Depending on what sort of gloomy accounting you used, Social Security could be shown to be so far in the red that it could soak up...

Comment: Bush, Whacked

George W. Bush is losing his working majority in Congress. The only surprise is that it took so long. As recently as a month ago, the new administration imagined that its tax package would just sail through on a tide of media torpor, Republican discipline, and bipartisan gesture. No longer. As the details of the president's not very popular program seep into public consciousness, Republicans are starting to desert. So far the Senate has just one reliably faithless Democrat, the politically androgynous Zell Miller of Georgia [see " Zellout ," by Joshua Micah Marshall, on page 14]. Other conservative Democrats who were expected to defect to the Republicans have voted with their own party leaders. Republican moderates, however, are crossing the aisle with impunity. The basic problem with the Bush budget, substantively and politically, is that it puts unpopular tax cuts ahead of public outlays that most voters want. Bush would divert hundreds of billions from the Medicare trust funds,...

Of Our Time: After Solidarity

T he American Republic has long had a set of public and non-profit institutions that enrich our democracy by demonstrating that society is more than a mere market. The most expansive and explicit of these began in the New Deal, such as Social Security and later Medicare. However, public and communal institutions have a venerable history as old as the Massachusetts common schools of the 1660s. The 19th century saw a flowering of non-profit, communal self-help organizations—charity hospitals, credit unions, workingmen's building and loan associations, fraternal and ethnic mutual aid organizations, trade unions, settlement houses, YMCAs, farm bureaus, and the like. In this century, the non-profit sector added major new organizations such as Blue Cross/Blue Shield, community colleges, and so on. To understand these institutions merely as "providing services" is to understand them far too narrowly, for they play a crucial civic and political role. By defining affiliation on the basis...

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